Agenda for the 21st Century

Introduction

Everything seems to be ordinary in our country's politics, but this is only understandable in the light of past crises. Compared to what has once seemed normal, our current policy is very unusual. The notion of Richard Nested, who had been speaking about the state of politics and government in the United States since the early 1960s, is the best definition of the nature of the Israeli security program. It seems that this regime seeks to create a new situation and "normalize it" during which Israel's position on the past shows relative improvement according to its previous experience in dealing with opposing forces or its opposition inside and outside the Occupied Palestine. In other words, putting the world in a new state that there is no other option than accepting it and dealing with it; a similar program to was possible at the beginning of the establishment of this regime with the effective assistance of the British and American forces. In a way that many governments, organizations and movements today, pointing out that Israel has become a foreign reality that cannot ignore it, look at the most radical demands of the Palestinian people - based on the necessity of defending the enemy and protecting the lives and the land- by uncertainties and doubt and they consider the mediating solutions based on territorial reconciliation as the only acceptable option. In the forthcoming article, considering the regional and global status of Israel, the global trends in the twentieth century, which were affected by the collapse of the Soviet Union and unilateralism of America and finally macro targets of Zionist, writer intends to capture a picture of the Israeli security program for the 21st century, which could be useful for political actors such as the Islamic Republic of Iran - which is involved in this issue, and it is useful in designing a national strategy. For this purpose, the author, while analyzing the two pillars of the Israeli security program, also talks about the possible strategy of the regime to deal with domestic and foreign barriers, thus an appropriate framework for designing rival strategies to deal with Israeli threats will be provided. This article is dedicated only to the social dimension of the Israeli security program, and in this regard it can provide inputs for ongoing evaluation studies that examine the security program of other actors in the crisis. Accordingly, the present article is based on a methodology at the intersection of sociology and security research; in other words, from the perspective of the "sociology of security", which is among the new trends in the field of security studies, it examines the Israeli security program. This attitude can be completed in the context of similar economic and military research that will ultimately provide the reader with a complete picture of the Israeli security program, which has a scientific and strategic value.
Second pillar. Creating internal stability
The sociological survey of the power network in Israel showed that this society is faced with many divisions within itself, which overcoming them forms the second pillar of the Israeli security plan. The basic principles of this pillar are:
1. Identification: for the management of the identity crisis of Israeli government it has put various plans in its agenda, which today are the main pillars of the National Identity Definition project. Historically, the following methods have been tested:
1. Historicism: In this method, by analyzing historical texts, an independent historical identity is established for Zionism, which according to Sakar, is more than four thousand years old in the historical memory of the Jews, and today it has achieved objective realization with the proper conditions. Some of the writers of this trend are Abba Aban, Sasher, Joseph Body and Das, who all considered the ideal of Goldamayer, where he says: Israel has never forgotten its past. Here is the land of the Gospel, and here, one day the Hebrew prophet has revealed his words.
2. Religiosity: Zionism, from the outset, has tried to prove itself through religious doctrines, so that the choice of the word "Zion", which has a religious burden, has been carried out for the purpose to show Zionism as a fulfilling of promise to return to the Promised Land. For this purpose, the isolation of the Jewish minority, which does not agree with the Zionist political tendencies, and the attempt to redefine the purpose of the teachings of the Jews, are on the agenda of this political movement. Jean Comay and Moshe Perleman viewed the idea that Israel was considered a "Jewish state", which according to God's image in the Torah, he has given it to the children of Israel. This program has many historical backgrounds and today it includes a significant part of religious education in Israel, so that each Israeli child, during his eight years of education, spends almost 1,500 hours since his studies on the orientation of Religion's texts in the field of Jewish rights. According to "Yuri Ivanov ", all these religious teachings are carried out with one purpose:" This land has been given to them by God, and the children of Israel must rule over it". An example of this approach can be seen by writers such as Alan Duathy. In the "dimensions of the Arab-Israeli conflict" he analogizes Israel's society to the American society, which in both cases they have not undergone a natural-historical process, and these countries have emerged on the basis of "realizing" certain "ideals". With the difference that in the discussion of Israel, the ideals have come from within the religion, and this is not true about the United States.
3. Culturalism: noting serious problems with the two programs, the Israeli government finally comes to the point, which only relying on history and religion cannot meet the needs of this system. In order to compensate this deficiency, Zionism tends to "culturalism", which proved its effectiveness in the last years of the twentieth century. The emergence of the so-called "Cultural Zionist" group has doubled power and unity of the trend and as a result a significant volume of diverse cultural products were created all of which aimed to create a virtual image of Israeli identity and to fulfill it. Holding cultural festivals; the production of films, stories, novels, the promotion of Hebrew language, the protection of poetry and literature in various forms, and the introduction of the image of the oppressed Jews for international community are some of the cultural policies pursued in this direction. The aforementioned policy has flourished both in internal and external levels. Thus, we are witnessing the emergence of a new image of Zionism, which its base is formed by the idea that: Israel must be accepted as an external reality, and it cannot be denied. Accordingly, at first, an independent Zionist identity is produced through virtual channels and then based on that virtual reality, political reality will be based. In sum, it is concluded that the Zionist regime, firstly is concerned with management of breakdown of social identity for making stability inside and for this purpose, it proceeds two historical and ideological methods aimed at overcoming the crisis among the members of the Israeli society. In other words, cultural formation forms the main pillar of the Israeli security program aimed at realizing the Zionist virtual identity on one side and to take true identity of the Palestinians to margin the on the other. If the plan is successful, this program will turn Palestinian identity into a historic one, which today does not have reality and will be considered a priority for Arabs and even Palestinians. If the extent of success of Israel in this area is great it can be argued that the stability and security of the Israeli society will be more than discouraged resistance flows.

Conclusion

Despite the efforts of the international community to resolve the Israeli issue through peaceful means, the early years of the 21st century showed that this issue still lies within the military security equations, and not only the sensitivities of the problem have not diminished but it had found new dimensions that in total, security debate makes it more intense and more serious. Accordingly, the necessity to pay attention to the principles of the security program of the various actors involved in this crisis has been prominent as in previous years. As far as Israel is concerned as one of the parties involved in this crisis, the author of this paper attempts to have a brief examining on the historical course of the security strategy of the Zionist regime to achieve a professional estimation of future state of practices of government. That is why the author while addressing the scope of the discussion, has spoken of social dimensions of the Israeli security program of two important features of the Israeli society that are of the utmost importance in the context of the "sociology of security", which shows that the security issue continues to be the first priority associated with social identity of community of Israel. These two features are: first, Israeli society is a secured society; Second, Israeli society is an unstable society. The Israeli government has defined and mentioned following practical principles to manage the situation which from a sociological perspective, is assessed as a state of anomaly and threat and in the security plan for the 21st century with the aim of crisis management and security in both the external and internal dimensions: first, he raised Israel as a key indivisible element of security program of the US, so that they take advantage of global hegemony support to improve their security in crackdown of the internal and external oppression and controlling opponents; a status that was greatly realized after September 11 and shows relative success of Israel in this aspect; Second, policymaking on creating "Israeli" virtual identity and " realization" of it by the cost of denial of the true identity of the Palestinians and to marginalize it. In other words, "culturalism" has seriously entered the Israeli security program, and it could be argued that the security ideals will be followed through cultural programs. Result of the cultural practice will be this that on one hand, it will solve the identity problem of Israeli society and on the other hand, by marginalizing the true and historical identity of Palestinians, supporting them will become priority number three and four of Muslims. It is obvious that in case of "neutralization" of Islamic, Arabic, and even Palestinian tendencies to the "problem of Israel", the resistance movement will lose their operational meaning and this could be promising a period with security and stability for Israel. That is why the new Israeli security program in the 21st century is evaluated as a more complex plan than past that in order to think about its conclusions and context needs designing a new strategy in the global level to deal the issue.